Friday, February 10, 2012

Americans Still View China as World's Leading Economic Power

Americans Still View China as World's Leading Economic Power


February 10, 2012
Americans Still View China as World's Leading Economic Power
Expect China to be leading power in the future
by Jeffrey M. Jones
PRINCETON, NJ -- Americans believe China is the leading economic power in the world today, by a significant margin over the United States. This is the second consecutive year the majority of Americans have viewed China as economically dominant; previously, China held a smaller lead. By contrast, in 2000, Americans overwhelmingly believed the U.S. was the leading economic power.

The U.S. economic downturn and the continued expansion of the Chinese economy are the likely factors behind Americans' belief that China is the world's top economic power.
Still, the vast majority of Americans name either the U.S. or China as the world's leading economic power. Relatively few Americans regard Japan (7%), the European Union (3%), India (2%), or Russia (less than 1%) in those terms. Japan has ranked third in recent years, but finished ahead of China in 2000.

China Also Viewed as Likely Power in the Future

Looking ahead, Americans still expect China to be the leading economic power in 20 years, but by a slightly smaller margin over the United States, 46% to 38%. These opinions, though similar to last year's, have shifted in the past. In 2000, when the U.S. economy was strong, and in 2009, shortly after Barack Obama took office, more Americans believed the U.S. rather than China would be the top economic power in the future. In 2008, just as the recession was beginning, and in the last two years as the economy has continued to stagnate, a plurality of Americans have thought China would be the top power in the future.

Seniors View U.S. as Leading Economic Power

At least a plurality of Americans in all key subgroups believe China is the leading economic power today, with one notable exception -- senior citizens. Among Americans aged 65 and older, 50% say the United States is the leading economic power and 41% say China. Americans under 50 are particularly likely to believe China is the leading economic power.
Seniors, as well as those aged 50 and older, are also less inclined than younger Americans to believe China will be the leading economic power in the future.

Democrats, independents, and Republicans hold similar views as to which country is the leading economic power today. However, they differ with respect to the future -- independents believe China will be the leading power, while Democrats and Republicans are divided as to whether China or the United States will be.
Implications

Officially, the United States still has a larger economy, based on gross domestic product, than China. However, if China sustains its current economic growth rate, it will surpass the United States' economy as the largest in the coming decades.

Americans clearly acknowledge the growing influence China has on the world economy, and believe it is already the leading economic power in the world. That view likely has been affected by the economic downturn in the United States in recent years, which means opinions could change if the U.S. economy starts to recover.
Survey Methods

Results for this Gallup poll are based on telephone interviews conducted Feb. 2-5, 2012, with a random sample of 1,029 adults, aged 18 and older, living in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia.

For results based on the total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error is ±4 percentage points.
Interviews are conducted with respondents on landline telephones and cellular phones, with interviews conducted in Spanish for respondents who are primarily Spanish-speaking. Each sample includes a minimum quota of 400 cell phone respondents and 600 landline respondents per 1,000 national adults, with additional minimum quotas among landline respondents by region. Landline telephone numbers are chosen at random among listed telephone numbers. Cell phone numbers are selected using random-digit-dial methods. Landline respondents are chosen at random within each household on the basis of which member had the most recent birthday.
Samples are weighted by gender, age, race, Hispanic ethnicity, education, region, adults in the household, and phone status (cell phone only/landline only/both, cell phone mostly, and having an unlisted landline number). Demographic weighting targets are based on the March 2011 Current Population Survey figures for the aged 18 and older non-institutionalized population living in U.S. telephone households. All reported margins of sampling error include the computed design effects for weighting and sample design.
In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion polls.
View methodology, full question results, and trend data.

Monday, January 30, 2012

Obama's Plan: Eat the rich, chain the poor

Sherman Frederick

Obama's plan: Eat the rich, chain the poor

Posted: Jan. 29, 2012 | 2:05 a.m.

President Obama is right about one thing: Because we live in a marvelous country with unmatched opportunities, all citizens must to do their "fair share" to support her.

There are only two hitches: The president doesn't really mean it, and there's no consensus on what is "fair."

When the president rails about tax equality and fairness, he does it not in the context of a serious debate on tax reform, but as a 2012 re-election tactic. You know this because the president has plenty to say about the unfairness of billionaires paying a lower tax rate than their secretaries, but he goes mute on the unfairness of letting half of American citizens escape without paying a dime in federal income tax.

In that regard, Obama policies have become the democratic threat Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville observed in the 1830s: "A democratic government is the only one in which those who vote for a tax can escape the obligation to pay it."

And therein lies the great divide for the 2012 presidential election. We all want equality, but those who lean toward free enterprise want equality foremost in liberty, and those who lean toward socialism want equality foremost in servitude to the entitlement state.

So when President Obama says he wants everyone to pay his or her "fair share," listen up. What usually comes next is a profoundly unfair plan that gives large numbers of citizens a free ride at the expense of the so-called "rich."

In 2011, the income tax broke down like this: The rate for the poor was 10 percent, the rate for the middle class was 25 percent and the rate for the rich was 35 percent. But after tax credits were applied, that translated into the top half of Americans paying 97.3 percent of the federal income tax burden and the bottom half paying 2.7 percent.

There's no fairness in that. Of course, the income tax is just one tax. The bottom 50 percenters certainly paid into the system via other taxes, primarily the payroll tax. But so did the upper 50 percenters through capital gains, among others.

And that's the underbelly of Obama's rhetoric: He advocates an acceleration of this imbalance.

This is not to say that the U.S. tax code isn't a complicated mess. It is. We desperately need a good, sane discussion on tax reform. (A little discussion on spending wouldn't hurt, either.) But sanity and fairness are not what Obama is angling for. He's looking to grow a constituency who look to him and his party for a free lunch, just as de Tocqueville warned.

Reform means that we look at the whole system, loopholes and all, and try to come to a national consensus on what "fair share" really means. It certainly cannot mean that 50 percent of Americans get to pay virtually nothing in income tax for the privilege of living in this country.

The starting point for an honest conversation would be the principle that everyone should pay something in federal income tax. And yes, that means "the poor."

When President Obama stands before the American people, like he did last week in the State of the Union address, and invokes that supercilious tone to preach to us about hard work, success and the American dream, his policies of class warfare expose him as a politician of style, not substance.

If we're going to create an "economy built to last" everyone should pay a "fair share"?

Zero, Mr. President, is not fair.

Sherman Frederick, former publisher of the Las Vegas Review-Journal, writes a column for Stephens Media. Read his blog at www.lvrj.com/blogs/sherm.

Gingrich's Damn the Torpedoes Morning in America - 2012 Decoded

Gingrich's Damn the Torpedoes Morning in America - 2012 Decoded

Gingrich's Damn the Torpedoes Morning in America

January 29, 2012 | 7:28 PM | 0 Comments
Whatever happened to the old politician's trick of answering the question you wanted to be asked, instead of the one that you actually were asked?

If you assume Newt Gingrich wants to talk about his plans for America, he managed to do that maybe twice, and briefly, in a 17-minute appearance Sunday on ABC's This Week. For the most part he aired his grievances against Mitt Romney and Romney's establishment buddies in the kind of subtle language for which he's famous. It was no Reaganesque Sunday Morning in America. It was more like damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead.

To summarize: Gingrich said the articles and attacks against him have been "breathlessly dishonest." Romney has run "a campaign of vilification." He has been "relentlessly negative," not to mention "blatantly dishonest" by giving "just plain false" debate answers. Which were also "just plain not true" and "just plain actually false." And made it impossible for Gingrich to give a good debate performance Thursday night.

As for Romney's supposed managerial talents, "every time it's bad, he didn't know about it or he wasn't aware about it." The 23 foreign bank accounts that weren't reported. The abortion services covered under the Massachusetts health law. His board membership with a company that got "the largest Medicare fine in history for fraud."

"I want to talk about big issues," Gingrich suddenly interjected at one point. He mentioned housing, jobs and entitlement reform in passing, and offered a one-sentence explanation of his Social Security proposal to let young Americans choose a personal Social Security account (in the stock market) instead of an account handled by the government.

Big issues were then officially over and Gingrich was back to the difficulties of being assaulted by Romney's "carpet-bombs with Wall Street money"; asserting that Romney will "hang out with his establishment friends, managing the decay" of a declining America; and bemoaning that his record of tax-cutting and balanced budgets as House speaker "is wiped away by Romney's totally phony history, which he maniacally continues to repeat." Also, Romney is "fundamentally dishonest" and trying to hide "his liberal record in Massachusetts.

The ratio of complaints and attacks, as opposed to what exactly he'd like to do as president, aside from being visionary, was quite remarkable. It may be that this was what Gingrich wanted to be talking about -- that it was his deliberate strategy, perhaps his only option, given that polls suggest Romney is well ahead of him in Florida.

Romney accused Gingrich of making excuses, just like President Obama. On the other hand, the Romney campaign also unfurled a series of character affidavits from big guns -- two governors (Chris Christie of New Jersey and Bob McDonnell of Virginia); two House members (Jason Chaffetz of Utah and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida), and former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty. Chaffetz said Gingrich's "desperate" campaign had devolved into "character assassination." Pawlenty said Gingrich had gone "over the line" and "way out of bounds."

The avalanche of praise -- the Romney campaign seems to have gone to the thesaurus to find synonyms for "impeccable" -- suggested a certain degree of anxiety, a campaign that simply counters every attack, or both.

First the Republicans skirmished over capitalism. Now it's character. Remember when snarking that someone was "likeable enough" or too green to be trusted with a 3 a.m. crisis call was considered a low blow? Clearly we're not in 2008 anymore.

Thursday, November 17, 2011

Mormons See Rise on Campaign Trail : Roll Call Politics

Mormons See Rise on Campaign Trail : Roll Call Politics

The LDS church prides itself on teaching its members to be involved citizens, but the church won’t touch politics or activity that is perceived as overtly political, according to Chuck Warren, a Republican consultant who has worked with several LDS candidates.

“There’s no organized system,” Warren said. “There’s nobody out there recruiting LDS members to run. And it’s frustrating at times.”



Sunday, October 16, 2011

Manhattan Moment: Two distinct groups make up 'Occupy' protesters | The Examiner | Columnists | Washington Examiner

Manhattan Moment: Two distinct groups make up 'Occupy' protesters | The Examiner | Columnists | Washington Examiner

Manhattan Moment: Two distinct groups make up 'Occupy' protesters

Strange to say, but there may be something valuable going on among some of the Occupy Wall Street protesters.

Until now, two narratives have defined both the press coverage and public discussion of the Occupy Wall Street demonstrators camped out in lower Manhattan's Zuccotti Park.

The first depicts a collection of buffoonish, semiliterate juveniles engaged in a seeming left-wing version of a college prank. There is, to be sure, something to this story.

In last week's Zombie Parade the protesters, giddy with their cleverness, portrayed themselves as the living dead whose lives had been sucked from them by unnamed corporations.

One of the pre-Halloween costumers was asked why she had chosen to dress up like a zombie who looked like Marie Antoinette, the French queen guillotined by the revolutionaries of 1793. She replied that she had no idea of who Marie Antoinette was but just liked the look of the costume.

The second narrative sees the protesters as ripe to be harnessed by the labor leaders who hope to tap into their energy on behalf of the Obama 2012 campaign.

Watching New York Federation of Teachers President Mike Mulgrew prance about, speaking in the name of the protest, you might think Occupy Wall Street had signed on to a campaign to raise teachers' salaries in a city whose budget shortfalls are already producing layoffs.

But both of these explanations presume that there is a single, largely unified group of people in Zuccotti Park. There isn't. The exhibitionists, lost souls and zanies acting out tend to congregate in the Western stretch of the block-long park.

To their east, where anti-Obama placards outnumber those supporting the president, a more cerebral group of protesters is gathered. Their organizational skills have kept the encampment running in reasonably good order for these past three weeks.

Some of them, carrying anti-Obama placards, are standard issue leftists who, like the New York Times editorial board, think that the president's problem is that he has been too moderate and thoughtful.

But others are caught up in the practical details of self-government on a small scale. They are doing their best not to be co-opted, which is why, despite the hoopla from labor leaders, they haven't signed on to the union campaign. Like Students for a Democratic Society in the early 1960s, they are grappling with a paradox.

On the one hand, they insist that corporations ineffectively run the government; on the other, they want more government regulation to control the corporations.

By contrast, the Tea Party has a ready and plausible answer as to how to restore self-government and break the grip of the crony capitalism that ties the Obama administration to Wall Street. They want to drastically reduce the size of government.

The protesters have no such view. Like their 1960s predecessors, they're chasing their tails trying to imagine procedural reforms that will allow the demonstrators to govern themselves, while also curbing the power of those greedy capitalists.

It's too easy to dismiss the protesters, with their "Eat The Rich" signs, as just spoiled "trustafarian" misfits. They see themselves as the American equivalents of Egypt's Tahrir Square protesters who brought down President Hosni Mubarak, but they haven't noticed that it's the Islamists who are inheriting the Arab Spring.

Mocking them is easy; but here at home, the problem of crony capitalism is in fact eating away at our civic entrails. Leftists willing to grapple with this malignancy should be welcomed, if only for the potential seriousness of their efforts.

As the more thoughtful 68ers eventually discovered, the idea of reforming government by expanding it is a circular dead end.

Fred Siegel is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and scholar in residence at St Francis College in Brooklyn.

Sean Penn Calls Tea Party the ‘Get the N-Word Out of the White House Party’ Which Wants to ‘Lynch’ Obama | NewsBusters.org

Sean Penn Calls Tea Party the ‘Get the N-Word Out of the White House Party’ Which Wants to ‘Lynch’ Obama | NewsBusters.org

Sean Penn Calls Tea Party the ‘Get the N-Word Out of the White House Party’ Which Wants to ‘Lynch’ Obama

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Left-wing actor Sean Penn slimed the Tea Party as motivated by racism, charging on CNN’s Piers Morgan Tonight on Friday evening that an impediment to President Obama’s success is “what I call the ‘Get the N-word out of the White House party,’ the Tea Party.”

At a time when Herman Cain tops polls of Republican primary voters, Penn proceeded to allege, without citing any evidence, that “there’s a big bubble coming out of their heads saying, you know, ‘can we just lynch him?’” (video below)

In between Penn’s two jabs intended to discredit the Tea Party, Piers Morgan helpfully boasted of how actor Morgan Freeman, on his show three weeks ago, “was very passionate about that very subject, saying there are elements of the Tea Party who just, as he said, want to get the black man out of the White House. He said it on this show.”

Audio: MP3 clip which matches the video

Indeed, Piers Morgan’s program has become the place for celebrities to disparage the Tea Party. As recounted by NB’s Noel Sheppard, on the September 23 show, Morgan Freeman asserted the Tea Party’s attitude is “we’re going to do whatever we can to get this black man outta here.” The night before, actor Alan Cumming of The Good Wife, denounced the Tea Party as driven by “homophobia and racism.”

Of course, Penn is not opposed to all protest movements: “I applaud the spirit of what’s happening now on Wall Street.”

From the pre-recorded interview on the Friday, October 14 Piers Morgan Tonight on CNN:

SEAN PENN: I would love to see Barack Obama be Bulworth. I’d love to see what I’ve always wanted to see, somebody run as a one term President and show me that people aren’t stupid. They do care about each other. And when he does the right things and takes on the controversies, he’s going to win the next election.

And, and there, yet there’s another problem. You have what I call the “Get the ‘N’-word out of the White House party,” the Tea Party, this kind of sensibility, which is much more of a distraction-

PIERS MORGAN: Well, I had Morgan Freeman on, one of your movie colleagues, and he was very passionate about that very subject, saying there are elements of the Tea Party who just, as he said, want to get the black man out of the White House. He said it on this show.

PENN: I don’t think there’s any doubt about it. If you ask a representative of the Tea Party, “okay, Social Security, socialist, get rid of it,” they're going to get very confused. What the, what they're -- at the end of the day, there's a big bubble coming out of their heads saying, you know, “can we just lynch him?”

If we just focus on the basics, together, I think this is a country that if it -- if it -- if we kind of wake up and look at each other in a room, it's like the light's off. You turn the light on, people are good....

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