Sunday, October 16, 2011

Manhattan Moment: Two distinct groups make up 'Occupy' protesters | The Examiner | Columnists | Washington Examiner

Manhattan Moment: Two distinct groups make up 'Occupy' protesters | The Examiner | Columnists | Washington Examiner

Manhattan Moment: Two distinct groups make up 'Occupy' protesters

Strange to say, but there may be something valuable going on among some of the Occupy Wall Street protesters.

Until now, two narratives have defined both the press coverage and public discussion of the Occupy Wall Street demonstrators camped out in lower Manhattan's Zuccotti Park.

The first depicts a collection of buffoonish, semiliterate juveniles engaged in a seeming left-wing version of a college prank. There is, to be sure, something to this story.

In last week's Zombie Parade the protesters, giddy with their cleverness, portrayed themselves as the living dead whose lives had been sucked from them by unnamed corporations.

One of the pre-Halloween costumers was asked why she had chosen to dress up like a zombie who looked like Marie Antoinette, the French queen guillotined by the revolutionaries of 1793. She replied that she had no idea of who Marie Antoinette was but just liked the look of the costume.

The second narrative sees the protesters as ripe to be harnessed by the labor leaders who hope to tap into their energy on behalf of the Obama 2012 campaign.

Watching New York Federation of Teachers President Mike Mulgrew prance about, speaking in the name of the protest, you might think Occupy Wall Street had signed on to a campaign to raise teachers' salaries in a city whose budget shortfalls are already producing layoffs.

But both of these explanations presume that there is a single, largely unified group of people in Zuccotti Park. There isn't. The exhibitionists, lost souls and zanies acting out tend to congregate in the Western stretch of the block-long park.

To their east, where anti-Obama placards outnumber those supporting the president, a more cerebral group of protesters is gathered. Their organizational skills have kept the encampment running in reasonably good order for these past three weeks.

Some of them, carrying anti-Obama placards, are standard issue leftists who, like the New York Times editorial board, think that the president's problem is that he has been too moderate and thoughtful.

But others are caught up in the practical details of self-government on a small scale. They are doing their best not to be co-opted, which is why, despite the hoopla from labor leaders, they haven't signed on to the union campaign. Like Students for a Democratic Society in the early 1960s, they are grappling with a paradox.

On the one hand, they insist that corporations ineffectively run the government; on the other, they want more government regulation to control the corporations.

By contrast, the Tea Party has a ready and plausible answer as to how to restore self-government and break the grip of the crony capitalism that ties the Obama administration to Wall Street. They want to drastically reduce the size of government.

The protesters have no such view. Like their 1960s predecessors, they're chasing their tails trying to imagine procedural reforms that will allow the demonstrators to govern themselves, while also curbing the power of those greedy capitalists.

It's too easy to dismiss the protesters, with their "Eat The Rich" signs, as just spoiled "trustafarian" misfits. They see themselves as the American equivalents of Egypt's Tahrir Square protesters who brought down President Hosni Mubarak, but they haven't noticed that it's the Islamists who are inheriting the Arab Spring.

Mocking them is easy; but here at home, the problem of crony capitalism is in fact eating away at our civic entrails. Leftists willing to grapple with this malignancy should be welcomed, if only for the potential seriousness of their efforts.

As the more thoughtful 68ers eventually discovered, the idea of reforming government by expanding it is a circular dead end.

Fred Siegel is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and scholar in residence at St Francis College in Brooklyn.

Sean Penn Calls Tea Party the ‘Get the N-Word Out of the White House Party’ Which Wants to ‘Lynch’ Obama | NewsBusters.org

Sean Penn Calls Tea Party the ‘Get the N-Word Out of the White House Party’ Which Wants to ‘Lynch’ Obama | NewsBusters.org

Sean Penn Calls Tea Party the ‘Get the N-Word Out of the White House Party’ Which Wants to ‘Lynch’ Obama

59
Change font size: A | A
Brent Baker's picture

Left-wing actor Sean Penn slimed the Tea Party as motivated by racism, charging on CNN’s Piers Morgan Tonight on Friday evening that an impediment to President Obama’s success is “what I call the ‘Get the N-word out of the White House party,’ the Tea Party.”

At a time when Herman Cain tops polls of Republican primary voters, Penn proceeded to allege, without citing any evidence, that “there’s a big bubble coming out of their heads saying, you know, ‘can we just lynch him?’” (video below)

In between Penn’s two jabs intended to discredit the Tea Party, Piers Morgan helpfully boasted of how actor Morgan Freeman, on his show three weeks ago, “was very passionate about that very subject, saying there are elements of the Tea Party who just, as he said, want to get the black man out of the White House. He said it on this show.”

Audio: MP3 clip which matches the video

Indeed, Piers Morgan’s program has become the place for celebrities to disparage the Tea Party. As recounted by NB’s Noel Sheppard, on the September 23 show, Morgan Freeman asserted the Tea Party’s attitude is “we’re going to do whatever we can to get this black man outta here.” The night before, actor Alan Cumming of The Good Wife, denounced the Tea Party as driven by “homophobia and racism.”

Of course, Penn is not opposed to all protest movements: “I applaud the spirit of what’s happening now on Wall Street.”

From the pre-recorded interview on the Friday, October 14 Piers Morgan Tonight on CNN:

SEAN PENN: I would love to see Barack Obama be Bulworth. I’d love to see what I’ve always wanted to see, somebody run as a one term President and show me that people aren’t stupid. They do care about each other. And when he does the right things and takes on the controversies, he’s going to win the next election.

And, and there, yet there’s another problem. You have what I call the “Get the ‘N’-word out of the White House party,” the Tea Party, this kind of sensibility, which is much more of a distraction-

PIERS MORGAN: Well, I had Morgan Freeman on, one of your movie colleagues, and he was very passionate about that very subject, saying there are elements of the Tea Party who just, as he said, want to get the black man out of the White House. He said it on this show.

PENN: I don’t think there’s any doubt about it. If you ask a representative of the Tea Party, “okay, Social Security, socialist, get rid of it,” they're going to get very confused. What the, what they're -- at the end of the day, there's a big bubble coming out of their heads saying, you know, “can we just lynch him?”

If we just focus on the basics, together, I think this is a country that if it -- if it -- if we kind of wake up and look at each other in a room, it's like the light's off. You turn the light on, people are good....

Share this

Read more: http://www.newsbusters.org/blogs/brent-baker/2011/10/15/sean-penn-calls-tea-party-get-n-word-out-white-house-party-which-wants#ixzz1awyV7UQ3

Thursday, October 13, 2011

Morality, Not Theology - Jonah Goldberg - National Review Online

Morality, Not Theology - Jonah Goldberg - National Review Online


October 12, 2011 12:00 A.M.

Morality, Not Theology Jeffress’s dog-whistle politics is intellectually incoherent.

Robert Jeffress introduced Texas governor Rick Perry at the Values Voter Summit on Friday. He started a great big hullabaloo by asking, “Do we want a candidate who is a good, moral person, or one who is a born-again follower of the Lord Jesus Christ?”
Before we go on, let me just say, I’d probably go with curtain No. 1. Don’t get me wrong — I’ve got no problem with a born-again Christian being my president, my pilot, or my chiropodist. But saying someone is a born-again Christian, for me at least, is not inherently synonymous with being a “good, moral person,” never mind being transparently preferable to one.
In other words, I might vote for a born-again Christian on the assumption that his professed faith makes it more likely he’s a good person. But if the choice is between someone we know is a good person and someone who just might be, why take the chance?
Jeffress was practicing “dog-whistle politics” — a term of recent Australian vintage that has caught on here and in Britain and that simply means trying to send a message to a certain constituency that the dog-whistler hopes won’t be heard by anyone else. In this case, Jeffress wanted evangelical Christians to decode his remarks as an attack on Mitt Romney’s Mormonism. And they got it. Alas, so did everyone else.
But apparently Jeffress couldn’t take any chances. So after Perry’s speech, Jeffress blew the dog whistle hard enough to give himself a hernia, telling reporters that Mormonism is a cult and that “every true, born-again follower of Christ ought to embrace a Christian over a non-Christian.”
It’s difficult to parse what’s the most annoying thing about all this. Is it the bigotry, the intellectual incoherence, or just the incredible lameness?
According to Jeffress, Mormonism’s cult status merely disqualifies Romney only when the rest of the field is evangelical Christians. “The reason I would probably select Mitt Romney over Barack Obama is, I do think being an evangelical, or Christian, is important, but it’s not the only criteria by which we select a leader,” he told Fox News. “I personally would rather have a non-Christian like Mitt Romney who embraces [my] principles than Barack Obama.”
So why is he wasting everyone’s time?
Just in case Jeffress still doesn’t get it: It’s not called the Christian Voter Summit but the Values Voter Summit. And yet Jeffress doesn’t claim Romney doesn’t share his values, only that he doesn’t share the same theology.
Is Mormonism a cult? Yes, no, maybe — who cares? From a Jewish perspective, you could say that Mormonism is simply one of the more recent additions to a very long line of cults. From an atheist perspective, it’s cults as far as the eye can see.
But from a moral perspective, contemporary Mormonism is squarely within the Judeo-Christian tradition, promoting decency, self-restraint, family values, etc.
The old Moral Majority had its flaws, but its core mission was admirable: to promote moral unity under the banner of theological pluralism. However you worship, if you shared the same “traditional values” you could work together. Jeffress turns all that on its head.
He also plays into the worst stereotypes about the GOP as a bigoted and theocratic party for evangelical Christians alone. And that’s ironic, too, because anti-Mormon prejudice is not a particularly acute problem on the right.
According to Gallup, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say they’d never vote for a Mormon presidential candidate (27 percent compared with 18 percent). Meanwhile, a Quinnipiac poll of voters taken earlier this year says 68 percent of Republicans and 64 percent of independents are comfortable with a Mormon president, while only 49 percent of Democrats are.
It’s good and right that Perry is distancing himself from Jeffress. Then again, maybe he put Jeffress up to this stunt in the first place so the idea would get out without him taking the heat for it.
Ironically, if Perry did goad the Dallas-based pastor to blow the Mormon dog whistle, or if he picks it up himself, it would only lend credence to Jeffress’s insinuation that a choice between Romney and Perry is a choice between a “good, moral person” and “a born-again follower of the Lord Jesus Christ.”

Wednesday, October 5, 2011

Romney's Opportunity?

CAMPAIGN 2012

Is Romney Mr. Right?

Updated: October 5, 2011 | 7:41 a.m.
October 5, 2011 | 6:00 a.m.

Can Mitt Romney seal the deal with Republican doubters?

Meet the new front-runner, same as the old front-runner.

When New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie announced his decision to forgo a presidential campaign on Tuesday, it was the latest development to go Mitt Romney’s way. If luck is the residue of design, the former Massachusetts governor’s got plenty of it. His liabilities are well-known: His health care law is still a loser with Republican primary voters, and his Mormon faith is a tough sell for some evangelicals in the party. He’s rarely topped the 25 percent mark in national polls, and donors haven’t flocked to him, waiting to be swept off their feet by someone else.

From National Journal:
PICTURES: Who's in, Who's Out


POLL: Bachmann Supported on HPV Injection Position

Highlights from Christie's Press Conference

Bachmann Cancels Speech Due to Protestors

Palin Chatter Rekindled by Christie's No

But three months before the first Republican nominating contests, Romney is now in a commanding position. The conservative opposition against him is splintered. He withstood Texas Gov. Rick Perry’s early surge, and now leads him in recent national polls. Businessman Herman Cain is enjoying a surge, but he’s taking time off the campaign trail to promote his book — hardly the sign of a campaign prepared to translate the enthusiasm into votes. Rep. Michele Bachmann’s campaign is flagging, a development that could give Romney an opening to make a play for Iowa, a state he once wrote off. And former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman, who threatened his moderate flank, has generated little to no enthusiasm, and is still a blip in polls.

Meanwhile, Romney’s infrastructural strengths — fundraising, a wired national network, a team of top-flight talent, the recognition that accrues from two consecutive presidential bids — are well-suited to help him withstand the shortcomings of his own candidacy.

“I think their strategy from the get-go has been to run against Obama. They survived the Bachmann arc, they survived, it looks like, the Perry arc. And there is no Christie arc. And there’s Romney again,” said Rich Galen, a Republican strategist and former aide to then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich. “Four years ago or five years ago, the Romney campaign was scrambling for a strategy, adjusting on a daily basis. This time, they clearly thought through how they could do this, they looked over the field, and they’ve largely stuck to that strategy.

“It’s not a two-man race anymore. It’s a one-man race,” he said.

Romney’s preparedness was in evidence during the last three debates. He parried Perry’s worn and poorly enunciated charges of policy flip-flops, and had primed and ready to go his own line of attack against Perry’s views on Social Security. Romney’s strong criticism of Perry’s support of in-state tuition for the children of illegal immigrants could prove detrimental to Romney in a general election campaign, but it appears to have helped damage Perry in the primaries.

As soon as Christie bowed out on Tuesday afternoon, Romney was on the phone to major Republican donors in an effort to move fence-sitters in his direction and perhaps nail down the aura of invincibility that has eluded him so far in the primary season. Home Depot founder Ken Langone, a key figure in the “Draft Christie” movement, pledged his allegiance to Romney on Tuesday in an appearance on the Charlie Rose talk show.

His team’s organization and calendar stewardship have allowed Romney to periscope the primary in ways other candidates have not. Last Thursday, he unveiled his leadership team in Vermont, not traditionally a pivotal Republican state, and in Connecticut, where Republicans don’t vote until April 24 — emblematic of the Romney camp girding for a long ground campaign redolent of the 2008 Democratic primary race. Such long-range schematics are rolled out in part to reassure GOP insiders, many of whom are still loath to pick a candidate, that Romney can go the distance.

But other Republicans are anticipating a drawn-out primary contest. Bill Spencer, a lobbyist at Potomac Strategic Development and an uncommitted Republican, said: “It just seems like every week, the polls just keep going up and down, and so I just don’t know what to think. Money and press are the big things in campaigns, and it’s just going to come down to who gets the momentum going, and it doesn’t seem like anybody’s doing that at this point.”

Aside from the organizational dominance Romney has purposefully amassed, he is also showing himself to be a rougher customer than his unmussed image of a dispassionate corner-office technocrat. Luck alone has not allowed him to withstand the blows from other campaigns, the press, and the vagaries of the campaign trail. Four years ago, political observers eventually accepted that Barack Obama had a more durable constitution than originally expected. Romney, in his second presidential campaign, is starting to show glimpses of the same.

“I would love him to exhibit that, because he is steely tough and that steely toughness I don’t think has come through to the electorate,” said Thomas Trimarco, who was Romney’s top budget aide when he was governor. “And that’s unfortunate in my view, because that’s how I know the man. And I think it’s a winning persona.”


Is Romney Mr. Right? - Jim O'Sullivan - NationalJournal.com

Is Romney Mr. Right? - Jim O'Sullivan - NationalJournal.com